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Governmental Parties essays

Governmental Parties essays The Federalist and Democratic-Republican parties fought for control over the government in the early 1800s. Although these two parties had great differences, they each had many supporters. Hamilton led the Federalist Party. The wealthy people made up the majority or his party's followers, and the businessmen in the cities made up the rest. They were called Hamiltonians. These people lived mostly in the eastern part of the union. On the other hand, Jefferson was the leader of the Democratic-Republican Party. Jeffersonians, or Jefferson's followers, were the common or middle class people. A larger number of these people lived in the west, in the newly settled lands. At this point in history, the Democratic-Republican Party was better suited to govern the states. The union needed a weak central government to allow the nation to grow. The government had to be governed by the people, and with a weak central government, they could have representation in it. Local affairs in the states could be handled easier if the states had a lot of power. The people were afraid of a tyranny or a dictatorship, and felt the central government should be weakened. A strict interpretation of the Constitution was needed in order to weaken the central government. Under the Federalists' rule, the government played partisan politics. The Federalists cared only about strengthening their party. One of the Presidents of this party was Adams. He passed the Alien and Sedition Acts in order to strengthen his party. The Sedition Act said that anyone who spoke against the government could be heavily fined and imprisoned. This directly contradicted the First Amendment of the Constitution. The alien Act dealt with immigrants. It said that immigrants would have to reside in the states for fourteen years to become citizens. Once Jefferson took office, he decided to go against some of his beliefs. Since it was in the best interest of the country. H...

Reflection Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words - 5

Reflection - Essay Example The virtual world enables individuals to form and maintain strong interpersonal relationships. It is easier to send instant messages to a person and receive immediate feedback. Hence, through the virtual world enables individual to interact from different places regardless the geographical distance. Virtual works are not limited to location. Communication and exchange of ideas can be done fast and effectively. Through the use of platforms such as Skype, individuals can communicate face-to-face(Bainbridge, 2010). As a result, they can show their expressions and emotions hence enhancing interpersonal communication. Additionally, individuals can express their ideas in basis of similar interests rather than geographical locations. Through the virtual world and individual can get a person who is interested in a certain field. Through that communication flows easily from the sender to the receiver. Virtual world will enable you exchange ideas in that specific field and learn from one another. Virtual world enhances globalization as people spread ideas and innovations to one another through interpersonal communication using the mediums available in the virtual world. Most scientists see it as platform to acquire knowledge(Jain, 2010). They can easily exchange their ideas and build on them as they share the knowledge that they have. Nowadays, the youth cannot avoid the internet. They use the social network to communicate with their friends throughout. It is part of their lives. Through that they obtain instant feedback, and they learn about what is happening in our current society easily. Virtual world enables the youth to have an understanding of what is happening in the world easily. Events are reported immediately they happen hence making the world are informed about what is happening all around the world(Bainbridge, 2010). The global population has turned to the

Drugs, Alchohol and tobacco Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2500 words - 1

Drugs, Alchohol and tobacco - Essay Example The disease of substance abuse is distinguished by compulsivity, or the irrational, negligent, uncontrollable act of resorting to drugs, alcohol, and tobacco (French et al., 2010). This essay tries to prove that addiction is a disease through a thorough examination of the nature and extent of alcohol, tobacco, and drug use in the United Kingdom. Some people consider addiction a disease because a number of occurrences can be associated with a biological tendency and because addictive substances alter the brain. Nevertheless, every goal-directed action is moderated by the brain, and acquired behaviour is largely influenced by changes in mental functioning (Pates & Riley, 2012). For instance, genetic research suggests a biological tendency towards different kinds of criminal activities, and it appears probable that later studies will reveal that particular environmental phenomena change the brain in ways that raise the possibility of aggression or violence (Ghodse et al., 2011). Hence, by the principle of biology, criminal acts would in time develop into a disease. The assumption that addicts abuse substances against their will has been fluently explained by researchers and medical practitioners. Miller and Chappel (1991 as cited in Brownsberger & Heymann, 2009, p. 100) stated that addiction is a disease because addicts have a n uncontrollable urge to abuse substances. Yet, the assumption that behaviour is ‘uncontrollable’ does not appear to involuntarily make it a disease. Moreover, the argument that addicts are not capable of controlling their substance use is incorrect (Barton, 2012; Rassool, 2008). For instance, DSM criteria classify people who smoke one pack a day as addicts, but ever since the 1964 statement of the Surgeon General on the health impacts of smoking, tens of millions of heavy smokers have stopped smoking (Brownsberger & Heymann, 2009, pp. 100-101). Furthermore, majority of them quit without clinical support; they

Bank of America Corporation Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Bank of America Corporation - Research Paper Example One reason why it is important to analyze Bank of America Corporation as a profitable banking sector is its large market share and the amazing offers it provides to its customers in all its branches that puts it as the world’s biggest and wealthiest corporate company, as reported by Giannone (2009). If only the bank can reach out to the opportunities that exist by accommodating even the low-income earners, no doubt it can become the largest banking and financial service centre in the word. It has continued to offer banking and financial services to its clientele in the US. The bank boasts of featuring as the 13th largest corporate company, according to the CNN fortune 500 company ranking. It has a primary listing base in the United States. It has its headquarters in Charlotte, North Carolina, and enjoys a large market in the banking industry. This shows that the institution has a potential of expanding beyond measure if it decides to be tactical in its operation. Although it has the ability to compete favourably with other banking and financial institutions, it has to up its game since its rival banking institutions are also offering almost the same products. One thing it should do is to conduct a thorough feasibility study on some of the new range of products not yet tapped by other competitors. By the time competitors become aware of the existence of that particular product, the bank shall have identified another new product altogether. This is the actual utilization of the strengths of an organization to outdo other organizations through taking advantage of their weaknesses. According to a recent Annual Report by Moynihan (2011), the bank features as the second largest in the US by assets having its branches in 50 states in the US and about 40 branches in the world. The external analysis purely indicates that the bank operates where there is stiff competition almost in all its branches and therefore any mistake made by the bank results in insurmountable losses.     

Electoral Processes And Governance In The Philippines Politics Essay

Electoral Processes And Governance In The Philippines Politics Essay The first election in the Philippines was held in May 1898 under American rule. 112 years later, there are many parts of the country where elections are characterized with private armies, violence and massive cheating. The failure of the electoral system to conduct fair and clean elections and the massive electoral fraud hinder the purpose of elections to recruit honest and accountable politicians and to integrate society. Also, the legitimacy of the elected government is weak.   Ã‚  Politicians therefore need to garner support from patrons and oligarchs to finance electoral campaigns and to organize voter support. Once elected, they return by giving access to government resources and appointing key allies in the bureaucracy. Among citizens, a widespread view that elected governments coming to power from corrupt electoral procedures does not truly represent their interests. As a result, it is difficult to push for reforms because of weaker government and institutions and stronger v ested interests. History The Philippines was under Spanish rule for more than 300 years. Under this era, the country was ruled by friars and appointed Spanish officials. In 1898, the Philippines declared independence and established the first republic in Asia. In the same year, the Treaty of Paris was signed where control of the Philippines was transferred from Spain to the United States. The Americans introduced democracy, elections and democratic institutions. As a result, the features of the Philippine constitution, legislation, political parties and elections are modeled after the US. Under the US colonial period, Philippine politics was characterized between the interaction of US colonial officers and Filipino politicians. The Americans indirectly control the country by manipulating Filipino politicians to enact American policies. As a result, electoral campaigns did not provide an avenue for public participation. Rather, it was reflective of negotiations between national politicians and provincial elites (Teehankee, 2002). The Philippine commonwealth was established in the 1935 constitution. The constitution provided a presidential form of government with a unicameral National assembly. An amendment in 1940 changed it to a bicameral legislative assembly made of the House of Representatives (lower house) and Senate (upper house). When US colonial rule ended, they left a weak central government and power was fragmented among the provinces with varying degrees. Wealth and power through political connections had overshadowed productivity and programs for national development. Electoral results were not competitive because of the ability of landed elites to control electoral outcomes. Elections for local positions like the lower house allowed landed elites to merge and strengthen their power as showed by their ability to prevent the passage of land reforms (Teehankee, 2002). Elections during the Marcos regime Marcos declared Martial Law in 1972. Elections were suspended in the first 6 years and a new constitution was also established. Marcos changed the Philippine Congress with an Interim National Assembly. An Interim National Legislature (Interim Batasang Pambasa or IBP) was enacted instead because of amendments to the 1971 constitution. An election was held in 1978 to fill positions for the IBP. Marcos dominated the elections with his New Society Movement party (KBL) because opposing groups created parties that focused on regions rather than the national legislature. The Marcos regime managed to give legitimacy to its regime through the conduct of elections. However, there was massive electoral fraud and manipulation of institutions. For example, Marcos allowed block voting system wherein a vote for the party translates to vote for the whole electoral slate. This was a tremendous advantage for the KBL because they had the resources to finance a nationwide electoral campaign. Also, it was easier to tamper ballots and commit fraud. During Marcos term, he tried to centralize power on himself and break the patronage system. He appointed officials not based on merit or patronage but on loyalty to him. He also siphoned the states resources and distributed it to himself and to his cronies. For his critics, he used violence and force. Media companies were closed or under heavy government control. One of his major critics, Benigno Aquino Jr., was assassinated in August 1983. In May 1985, Marcos announced Snap elections to prove or gain political legitimacy. The former elites managed to organize the opposition under Aquinos widow, Corazon Aquino who came from a landed family. The Commission on Elections announced Marcos as the winner in spite of massive cheating. On the other hand, the National Citizens Movement for Free Elections (NAMFREL) an election watchdog announced Corazon Aquino as the president based on their quick count. Marcos dictatorship ended in 1986 through the People Power Revolution. In addition to the military and political figures, the Church was involved in calling and mobilizing people to participate. Marcos and his family eventually fled to Hawaii and Corazon Aquino was sworn as the 11th President of the Philippines. Elections Post-Marcos During Aquinos term, a new constitution was enacted to return to a bicameral legislature and to limit the power of the presidency. For example, a president cannot run for presidency again. Media and press were free and democratic institutions were restored [Bello, 1988]. However, landed elites returned to power after the fall of Marcos and dominated the lower house. The pre-Marcos patronage system was back again. As a result, the Aquino administration failed to effectively conduct Agrarian reform. Aquino was succeeded by Fidel Ramos, a military general in 1992. Ramos attempted to push for political reforms. After all, he had the strong support of the military. However, it was hard to push for reforms because of a weak party system and stronger congress (Hutchcroft and Rocamora, 2003). The Congress was filled with representatives from the same political families. Only 54 representatives had no close relative in politics compared to 145 belonging to political families. At least 64 were children of political figures, 23 had spouses and 46 had siblings active in politics. At the end of Ramos term, a plan to shift to parliamentary system was exposed by the media. These changes would have allowed Ramos to extend his term after 1998. It was heavily opposed by the Catholic Church and former President Aquino for fear that the term extension would be used to serve political agendas (Rocamora, 1988). Estradas Rise and Fall Estrada was sworn into office in 1998 amidst the Asian Financial Crisis. Unlike previous presidents, Estrada was a movie actor so he was popular among the masses who were tired of traditional politicians. His electoral campaign focused on the poor and the aversion of the masses against typical politicians provided victory to Estrada rather than depending on local elites for voter support. However, Estradas promised populist policies and anti-poverty programs never took place (Fabella, 2007). Instead, the benefits were given to Estradas families and cronies. The fall of Estrada started with his involvement in Jueteng, an illegal gambling game popular among the poor. To sustain operation, protection money is paid among protectors who are usually in the local government or in the police. Estrada tried to legalize Jueteng through the Philippine Amusement and Gaming Corporation, a government agency that oversees legal gambling activities. If legalized, the protection money will be central ized to the government and franchise holders. Local operators and receivers of Jueteng money will be out of the picture. Luis Chavit Singson, a governor and rumored Jueteng operator could not accept such outcome because the franchise for his area was not given to him. Chavit exposed Estradas involvement to Jueteng which led to an impeachment case. Public uproar started when the senate which was dominated by Estradas allies refused to open the second envelope which was thought to contain strong evidence against Estrada. People went to the streets again and People Power II occurred which led to the downfall of Estrada.   Arroyo Administration Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo (GMA) took over the presidency after Estradas downfall. While finishing Estradas term, she experienced the Oakwood Mutiny and Jose Pidal scandal where a bank account containing US$8 million was allegedly owned by her husband. The money was supposedly a payment to then senator Arroyo to prevent her from running for presidency in the 1998 elections. Ignacio Iggy Arroyo, the brother of Arroyos husband announced his ownership of the controversial bank account. He faced tax evasion charges which were eventually ruled out due to legal technicalities. The scandal died and was later elected as congressman. After finishing Estradas term, Arroyo ran for presidency in spite of her prior announcement that she would not. She won by a slow margin of 1 million votes against Fernando Poe Jr., a movie actor and presidential candidate of the opposition. Arroyo was accused of electoral fraud and Poe filed an electoral protest. The congress mooted the electoral protest because of Poes death. However, it heavily weakened Arroyos legitimacy because she used state resources to fund her electoral campaign. Another strong attack against Arroyos presidency came from leaked tapes of her talking to Comelec Commissioner Virgilio Garcilliano which the media named as Hello Garciscandal. The leaked tape featured a womans voice similar to Arroyo asking for one million votes and an assurance of victory. In the beginning, the Malacanang palace denied the issue but was later retracted. Arroyo admitted and apologized in front of national television. She insisted that there was no cheating and she just wanted to protect her votes. Arroyo successfully finished her term in 2010 but not without challenges and controversies. She ran for lower congress in 2010 and won. Discussion The weakness of the electoral process could bring problems of legitimacy and weak position of the central government to push for reforms. The fragility of the electoral process could be traced from the failure of state agencies to be independent and enforce the rule of law. The Commission on Elections (Comelec) is an independent constitutional body that manages the elections and is mandated to give life and meaning to the basic principle that sovereignty resides in the people and all government authority emanates from them. Through the years, the commission has been involved in electoral scandals, has failed to strictly enforce electoral laws and has been accused of siding with the administration. In 1986 SNAP Elections, the Comelec announced former President Ferdinand Marcos as president in spite of massive electoral fraud. Another incident was the 2004 Hello Garci controversy under Arroyos term.   In 2006, the Supreme Court nullified the contract for the automation of the canvassing and counting of ballots between the COMELEC and Mega Pacific eSolutions Inc because the law and bidding rules were not followed. In 2007, the then Chairman Benjamin Abalos was involved in the ZTE-National Broadband Network deal where he was said to pocket in millions (US D) if the project was pushed through. The controversy eventually led to his resignation. The Comelec also fall shorts to provide fast and reliable solutions for electoral process because of huge costs and bribery in the courts. The poor track record and lack of credibility of the Comelec prove its inability to enforce the rules which influences the conduct of Philippine politics. The Comelec also failed to ensure a level playing field in the electoral process because of weak law enforcement. Winning became dependent on money, force and violence and not on programs and platforms. The growing costs of campaign expenses deter effective participation. Those who run are rich or have wealthy financiers. This provides an incentive for corruption to recoup the costs of electoral campaign and return favors from supporters. Also, it can result to political dynasties. The current president, Benigno Aquino III and his defeated running mate Sen. Manuel Roxas II both came from influential political families namely the Cojuangco-Aquino and Araneta-Roxas-Fores clans. Their reported campaigns for the 2010 elections cost P440 million and P280 million respectively. Antonio Cojuangco, Aquinos second cousin and a rich businessman, reportedly donated P100 million in his campaign. However, their election finances estimate were very much in doubt and were said to be much higher beca use they used television and radio in their electoral campaign which were very expensive. Former President Gloria Arroyo also came from a political clan and was a daughter of a former president. Her sons were congressmen during her term. In addition to financial support, politicians also seek the endorsement of organizations such as the Makati Business Club, Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines (CBCP) and the Iglesia ni Cristo (INC). The first is sought for their campaign contributions. The CBCP and INC are religious organizations and are believed to command influence on voters. For example, INC is believed to vote as a block and is estimated to deliver 5-8 million votes. In addition to money and endorsements, Philippine elections are filled with election related violence. The latest of which that brought the Philippines to the international arena was the Maguindanao Massacre which killed 57 people. Once elected, the core strength of the president is from his appointing power and control over government funds. The benefits received from supporters during the campaign are paid in return through endowment of huge government contracts and positions in key government agencies. Appointed officials could also appoint their staff. This kind of system results to a far reaching and deep source of patronage. As a result, the government has a weaker capacity to push for reforms because it has to satisfy vested interests. An example would be Estrada. The legalization of Jueteng will bring huge sums of money to the government or to his allies. However, because Chavit was left out of the picture triggered his downfall. Corazon Aquino could have successfully pushed for agrarian reform because of the momentum during her presidency. The law for agrarian reform was passed but has failed to translate into results because it was against the interest of the landed elites in congress. Conclusion The Philippines has a lot to improve in its conduct of elections. Because the electoral process is easily manipulated through money and violence, the politicians elected have most of time always been the same from political clans or landed elites. It also deters participation from new leaders and it does not become representative of the people. The presidents that have passed post-Marcos have cronies, friends or allies to satisfy. As a result, the Philippines have been left behind by her neighbors in the road to Economic growth. A step to improve the electoral process, the Philippines had its first electronic voting system in 2010. Although electoral fraud still exist which critics argue are harder to trace and easier to do, it is still a step forward compared to manual canvassing from the local precinct station to the Congress. There is also a pressing need to improve civil service. This includes putting deserving people in the job because of merit and competency and not connections. This implies that the central government must reduce its appointment of officials and start paying government employees well. It is also important to strengthen the independence of the Judiciary system and the Ombudsman. In the Philippines, the chief magistrates of the Supreme Court are appointed by the president so there is a conflict of interest in times when the president who appointed them is accused. Resolution on electoral disputes should be fast and credible. Lastly, the public should demand more accountability from the Comelec and politicians themselves. In spite of the shortcomings of the electoral process, it is still better to exercise their right to vote.

Heart of Darkness and Things Fall Apart Essay -- comparison compare co

My interest in Joseph Conrad is centered around understanding what brought him to the Congo and how the events that transpired there influenced his attitudes in Heart of Darkness. I also wanted to gain a greater understanding of the historical events that led to the colonization of the Congo. This interest is basically grounded in the fact that prior to my exposure to Heart of Darkness and Things Fall Apart, I knew virtually nothing about what actually led to the colonization of the area. It is my hope that through researching these areas I will have a deeper understanding of the two novels that focused on the Congo. In the article, "Post-colonial Literatures and Counter-discourse," Helen Tiffin raises a number of issues in regards to the hybridization of the colonized and how European universals invariably clash with that of the native. From the very beginning of the article, Tiffin notes that there is a "call to arms" (so to speak) that encompasses the "demand for an entirely new or wholly recovered 'reality,' free from all colonial taint" (95). This hope is idealistic, especially when evaluating the role that the English language plays in the lives of those who are colonized. Tiffin realizes this fact and views most post-colonial literature as a "counter-discursive" mode of expression that is highly involved in "challenging the notion of literary universality" (96). The most interesting challenge raised by this European universality is the fact that many post-colonial authors use English as the means to express or disassemble notions of these supposed commonly held mores, thereby creating a hybridized literature. Tiffin notes that in a "canonical counter-discourse . . . [the] post-colo... ...Victory, an Island Tale, 1915. Within the Tides, 1915 (contents: "The Partner," 1911; "The Inn of the Two Witches," 1913; "Because of the Dollars," 1914; "The Planter of Malata," 1914). The Shadow-Line, a Confession, 1917. The Arrow of Gold, a Story Between two Notes, 1919. The Rescue: A Romance of the Shallows, 1920. Notes on Life and Letters, 1921. The Secret Agent, Drama in Four Acts, 1921 (adaptation of the novel). The Rover, 1923. Laughing Anne, a Play, 1923 (adaptation of "Because of the Dollars"). The Nature of a Crime, With Ford Madox Hueffer, 1924 (written in 1908). Suspense, a Napoleonic Novel, 1925 (incomplete). Tales of Hearsay, 1925 (contents: "The Black Mate," 1908; "Prince Roman," 1911; "The Tale," 1917; "The Warriors Soul," 1917). Last Essays, 1926. The Sisters, 1928 (written in 1896, incomplete).